[Salon] Iran Isn’t Just a Threat—It’s Splitting NATO




Iran Isn’t Just a Threat—It’s Splitting NATO

March 29, 2026

The war with Iran is exposing a structural fracture inside NATO—one that may prove more consequential than any external threat facing the Alliance today. 

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte and Donald Trump (President, United States) Photo: Martijn Beekman, image credit: NATO

The war with Iran is exposing a structural fracture inside NATO—one that may prove more consequential than any external threat facing the Alliance today. What is at stake is not only NATO’s ability to respond to a new crisis in the Middle East but also its capacity to remain strategically coherent in a world defined by competing priorities and simultaneous conflicts.

As disagreements grow among member states over what matters most—and where NATO should act—the Alliance is confronting a quieter but more dangerous risk: not defeat, but internal divergence.

This is not the first time NATO has had to adapt. After the Cold War, it redefined itself as a stabilization force in Europe’s periphery, particularly in the Balkans. After 9/11, it became a global security actor, projecting power far beyond its original geographic scope, most notably in Afghanistan. More recently, Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its invasion of Ukraine pushed NATO back to its core mission—deterrence and defense of Europe’s eastern flank.

But the war in the Middle East introduces a different kind of challenge. Unlike Ukraine, which directly affects European security, this conflict sits on the edge of NATO’s strategic core. And that difference matters.

For the United States, the Middle East remains a central theater of global competition, where credibility, deterrence, and maritime security are all at stake. For many European allies, however, the priority is elsewhere. As long as the war in Ukraine continues, the focus remains firmly on the eastern flank. From this perspective, deeper involvement in a conflict with Iran risks stretching resources, political attention, and strategic focus at a moment when concentration is essential.

This divergence is already visible. Several European governments have declined to join U.S.-led efforts targeting Iran or to take part in securing the Strait of Hormuz. Their hesitation is not simply tactical. It reflects a more fundamental question: what is NATO for?

For decades, the answer was relatively clear. The United States and Europe shared a common hierarchy of threats, centered on the defense of the European continent. Even when NATO expanded its role, that underlying consensus held. Today, it is beginning to erode. Increasingly, Washington sees NATO as a global platform, capable of operating across multiple theaters—from the Middle East to the Indo-Pacific—in a broader competition with rival powers. Many European capitals, by contrast, still view the Alliance primarily as a territorial defense organization. This gap is no longer marginal. It is becoming structural.

The result is a growing strategic dualism inside NATO. One vision pushes for global engagement and flexibility. The other insists on geographic focus and strategic discipline. If left unresolved, this divide could transform NATO from a coherent alliance into a system of competing priorities.

The consequences are not theoretical. NATO’s strength has never rested solely on military capability but on a shared understanding of what matters most. Once that shared perception weakens, coordination becomes harder, and collective action more uncertain. The current crisis may mark the moment when that shift becomes visible.

Also, European caution is shaped by experience. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan left a lasting imprint, reinforcing concerns about entering conflicts with unclear objectives and uncertain outcomes. For many governments, involvement in a war with Iran risks repeating those mistakes—this time in a more volatile regional environment.

Yet this restraint is not without cost. By limiting engagement, European allies preserve strategic focus—but risk widening the gap with Washington. The longer this divergence persists, the harder it becomes to sustain a shared strategic culture.

There is also a clear strategic calculation at play. Opening a second major front in the Middle East would inevitably dilute NATO’s focus on Europe. And that is precisely what Russia would welcome. Already engaged in a prolonged war in Ukraine, Moscow has every interest in seeing Western attention divided. The more NATO stretches itself across multiple crises, the greater Russia’s room for maneuver on its immediate periphery.

China benefits in a different way. As U.S. military and diplomatic resources shift toward the Middle East, attention to the Indo-Pacific inevitably weakens. Beijing does not need to act directly. It gains from a simple dynamic: the more the United States is pulled into multiple theaters, the less coherent its overall strategy becomes.

This broader context matters. As Zbigniew Brzezinski once argued, stability across Eurasia depends on the ability of Western powers to maintain strategic coherence. When that coherence erodes, opportunities open for competitors to reshape the balance in their favor.

The Strait of Hormuz illustrates the dilemma. Its security is undeniably critical for global energy flows and maritime stability. But protecting it is not a neutral act in the context of an ongoing conflict. What Washington frames as a defensive mission may be interpreted in Tehran as a direct extension of war. That ambiguity creates a real risk of escalation—one that European governments are unwilling to accept without clear political objectives and a defined exit strategy.

At the heart of the current debate lies a deeper issue: the distinction between solidarity and alignment. European allies are not rejecting cooperation with the United States. They are redefining its limits.

This is where the real challenge lies. NATO is no longer facing a single, dominant threat. It is navigating a landscape of competing priorities—Russia in Europe, instability in the Middle East, and strategic competition in Asia. The question is not whether the Alliance can act everywhere, but whether it can do so without losing focus. If NATO fails to prioritize, it risks overstretch. And overstretch does not produce strength—it produces fragmentation.

The lesson is not that NATO should withdraw from global challenges but that it must define its role with greater precision. Strategic discipline, not expansion, is now the key to credibility.

Ultimately, the war with Iran is not just testing NATO’s military posture. It is testing its identity.

And if the alliance cannot reconcile what it is asked to defend with what its members are willing to fight for, the real fracture will not come from outside—but from within.

Dr. Cherkaoui Roudani
Dr. Cherkaoui Roudani

Cherkaoui Roudani is a distinguished university professor specialising in Diplomacy, International Relations, Security, and Crisis Management. He is recognised for his expertise in geostrategic issues and security. A former Member of Parliament in the Kingdom of Morocco, he also served as a political member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Francophonie (APF). His contributions to global dialogue were honoured with the prestigious "Emerging Leaders" award from the Aspen Institute. A sought-after consultant for national and international television channels, Mr. Roudani Cherkaoui is a prominent international speaker on security, defence, and international relations. His thought leadership extends to numerous analyses published in leading national and international newspapers and magazines.



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